The pigeons barely moved in their small cages. The ducks, free,
gathered around each other on the asphalt as the bulbuls chirped in the
background.
In Misrata’s Friday makeshift birds market, simple Libyan
peasants, children and few old men stood by their goods in unintended rows. Potential
buyers walked to and fro, inspecting the birds. Misrata was a big city of half
a million residents but it still had the spirit of a small village. For few
months, it has been trying to regain its normality after a heroic fight against
Gaddafi’s forces.
“Get that yellow paper please,” said the security officer at
the gate of Misrata airport. Me and Mohamed Madi had just arrived from Benghazi. We understood
quickly. It is Misrata, and you have to get your details entered into a
database before you enter the city even if you came from another Libyan city.
January 25 2012. Five months since the end of Gaddafi’s siege
and his intensive offensive against Libya’s third biggest city. Misrata
has not yet recovered from its deep wounds.
How quickly will that happen? The experience at the airport
left bitterness in my throat. “Did the war turn them into xenophobes?” I
wondered.
I met Ahmad Ben Wafaa, a 20-something Libyan blogger from the
city. He took me around to show me the scars of a bitter fight for survival.
Gaddafi thought that by taking Misrata, 200 km east of Tripoli,
his grip would be maintained on western Libya. The resistance by the
Misratans was not only about their lives or their city. It was about the unity
of Libya that had then been split
in two: the east (Benghazi and Green Mountain)
and the west (Tripoli).
In most of the buildings near the city centre, holes in the
walls of many houses from tank and mortar shells remain gaping in awe. Every
building was dotted with what looked like indiscriminate machine gun fire. A
bank stood closed, while the storeys above it were pitch-black from fire.
Another, which housed a pension fund, was completely charred and its silver
metal façade turned into a scary structure of burnt aluminium.
Building in Shari Tripoli st. (from www.dl3-ly.com) |
Between February and August 2011, the fighting in Misrata was
focused on its main streets: Tripoli
St in the west and in the east Benghazi
st. On the sides of Tripoli
streets, houses and businesses were still closed and many were partially
destroyed. A mosque nearby was decapitated, as the upper part of its minaret
was shelled out of this world.
The cool and humility of Misratans hid scars of trauma that I
– the Gazan – recognized very well. The last real war Misrata saw was probably
WWII, but 2011 was not only about fighting, either. It was about betrayal and
solidarity.
Bin-Wafaa told me various stories about the efforts made to
take care of the city’s inhabitants under the rain of Gaddafi’s Grad rockets
and Mortar shells. The distribution of food, the supply of medical services and
the prayers. The prayers that were uttered day an night by the frightened
civilians.
The war is over now. The wounds of Misrata will take time to
heal, however.
Bin Wafaa spoke bitterly about the residents of Taourga, the
smaller city 45 km to the south, whose residents always worked in and traded
with Misrata.
But Taourga, or most of its residents, sided with Gaddafi’s
forces. They were promised to take half of Misrata if Gaddafi wins. Bin-Wafaa
went on to say that the good ties with Misrata had been forgotten as the
Taourgans pillaged Misrata and according to him committed horrific crimes, such
as gang rape of Misratan women and men, murder and theft.
Things didn’t work according to plan and Taourga now is a
ghost town after its residents fled quickly before the wrath of Misratans
reached them. For Bin-Wafaa, this was a better outcome since massacres were
averted.
I already knew about what happened in Taourga. Like many
others, I cried racism. Taourga’s residents were descendants of African slaves
and news reports spoke about black Africans being singled out. Bin-Wafaa
categorically said no. It was not racism. He added that Gaddafi’s forces were
based in nearby Zliten (20 km to the west), but there was no vengeance from
Misrata. Unlike Taourga’s, the civilians of Zliten did not join Gaddafi’s
forces with promises of the spoils from Misrata’s defeat. I also saw many black
Libyans in shops, cafes and streets of Misrata. While I and Bin-Wafaa walked
on, an old man said hello. “Saw him? He is from Taourga but has lived here with
us for a long time,” said Bin-Wafaa
In Misrata’s tiny market, businesses have reopened and some repairs were done to few buildings. In a
nearby café, young Libyans sat smoking their Shishas and sipping macchiatos but
the grimness in the faces is startling.
The six-month-long season of fear has turned into a sense of
pride of what Misrata did to protect itself and keep the push against Gaddafi
alive. I understand now why the excessive security measures and graffiti on the
walls declare: “no to reconciliation”. Misrata
is now sarcastically known by other Libyans as the “emirate of Misrata”.
Libyans in a café were looking at TV, but their eyes were
almost aimless. Smiles can hardly be seen, even though teens were drifting
their cars dangerously in Misrata's tiny streets in an expression of their freedom.
It is possible to deal with physical pain, but overcoming the trauma
within is not going to be easy, for Misrata will never be the same.
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